THE EARLY LIFE AND POLITICAL LIFE OF RAILA ODINGA

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In January, 7 1945 Raila Odinga was born at Maseno CMS-Hospital, in Maseno. His father was latye Oginga and Mother late Mary Juma Odinga. He went to Kisumu Union Primary School, Maranda Primary and High School until 1962. He received a scholarship in 1965 and went to the Technical University, Magdeburg. In 1970, he graduated with a degree in Mechanical Engineering. During the Cold War, as a Kenyan, he would visit West Berlin through the Checkpoint Charlie and buy goods not available in East Berlin and bring them to his friends in East Berlin. He therefore became a Hawker. He returned to Kenya in 1970, and lectured at the University of Nairobi. In 1971 he established the Standard Processing Equipment Construction & Erection Ltd, currently known as East African Spectre, a company manufacturing liquid petroleum gas cylinders. In 1974, he was appointed group standards manager of the Kenya Bureau of Standards. In 1978 he was promoted to its Deputy Director, a post he held until his detention in 1982. Raila was placed under House arrest for seven months after being suspected of collaborating with the plotters of a failed coup attempt against President Daniel arap Moi in 1982. He was later charged with treason and detained without trial for six years. According to a biography released in July 2006 it confirmed that Raila was far more involved in the attempted coup than he had previously claimed. His mother died in 1984, but the prison warders told him about it only two months later. On February 6, 1988, and rearrested in September, 1988 for his involvement with human rights and pro-democracy activists pressing for multi-party democracy in Kenya, which was then a one – party state. Raila was released on June 12, 1989, but re-arrested again on July 5, 1990, together with Kenneth Matiba, and former Nairobi Mayor Charles Rubia. Raila was released on June 21, 1991, and in October, he fled the country to Norway for fear of government attempts to assassinate him. At the time of Raila's departure to Norway, the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD), a movement formed to agitate for the return of multi-party democracy to Kenya, was newly formed. In February 1992, Raila returned to join FORD, which was then led by his father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. He was elected Vice Chairman of the General Purposes Committee of the party. In the months running up to the 1992 General Election, FORD split into Ford Kenya, led by Raila's father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Ford –Asili led by Kenneth Matiba. Raila became Ford-Kenya's Deputy Director of Elections. Raila won the Langata Constituency parliamentary seat, previously held by Philip Leakey of KANU. Raila’s father JOO died in January 1994, and Michael Wamalwa Kijana succeeded him as FORD-Kenya chairman, Raila challenged him for the party leadership. The elections were marred by controversy after which Raila resigned from FORD-Kenya to join the National Development Party (NDP). In the 1997 General Election, Raila finished third after President Moi, the incumbent, and Democratic Party candidate Mwai Kibaki. He retained his position as the Langata MP. After the election, Raila supported the Moi government, and led a merger between his party, NDP, and Moi's KANU party. He served in Moi's Cabinet as Energy Minister from June 2001 to 2002, during Moi's final term. In the subsequent KANU elections held later that year, he was elected the party's secretary general. In 2002, the then President, Daniel Arap Moi, pulled a surprise by endorsing Uhuru Kenyatta – a son of Kenya's first president Jomo Kenyatta to be his successor. Moi publicly asked Raila and others to support Uhuru as well. Raila and other KANU members, including Kalonzo Musyoka, George Saitoti and Joseph Kamotho, opposed this step arguing that the then 38 year old Uhuru, was politically inexperienced and lacking leadership qualities to lead government. The Rainbow Movement went on to join the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which later teamed up with Mwai Kibaki's National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK), a coalition of several other parties, to form the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) that eventually defeated Moi's protege, Uhuru Kenyatta.

President Kibaki did not appoint Raila Odinga Prime Minister on assuming office as perceived to have been agreed in the memorandum of understanding (Kenya's current constitution does not recognize a Prime minister); neither did he give LDP half the cabinet positions. He instead sought to shore up support for his NAK faction by appointing MPs from the opposition parties (KANU and FORD people) to the cabinet. The perceived "betrayal" led to an open rebellion and a split within the cabinet, which culminated in disagreements over a proposed new constitution for the country. The government-backed constitutional committee submitted a draft constitution that was perceived to consolidate powers of the presidency and weaken regional governments as had been provided for under an earlier draft before the 2002 Elections. Raila opposed this, and when the document was put to a referendum on November 21, 2005, the government lost by a 57% to 43% margin. Following this, President Kibaki sacked the entire cabinet on November 23, 2005. When it was formed two weeks later, Raila and the entire LDP group were left out. This led to the formation of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) - an Orange was the symbol for the "no" vote in the constitutional referendum. In January 2006, Raila Odinga was reported to have told police that he believed his life was in danger, having received assassination threats. On July 12, 2007, Odinga alleged that the government was withholding identity cards from voters in places supportive of the opposition and that the intended creation of 30 new constituencies was a means by which the government sought to ensure victory in the December 2007 parliamentary election. In August 2007, the Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya split in two, with Odinga becoming head of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) while the other faction, the ODM-K, was headed by Kalonzo Musyoka. On September 1, 2007, the ODM elected Odinga as its presidential candidate in a National Delegates Conference held at the Moi International Sports Centre in Nairobi. Odinga received 2,656 votes; the only other candidates receiving significant numbers of votes were Musalia Mudavadi with 391 and William Ruto with 368. Earlier, Najib Balala had withdrawn his candidature and endorsed Raila. The defeated candidates expressed their support for Odinga afterward, and Mudavadi was named as his running mate.Odinga launched his presidential campaign in Uhuru Park in Nairobi on October 6, 2007, which saw a record attendance in this or any other venue in independent Kenya. The police estimated an attendance of close to 50,000. Following the presidential election held on December 27, the Electoral Commission in controversial circumstances declared Kibaki the winner on December 30, 2007, placing him ahead of Odinga by about 232,000 votes. Odinga accused Kibaki of fraud, and violence broke out in the country as ODM supporters attempted to make the country ungovernable.[20] Following two months of unrest, a deal between Odinga and Kibaki, which provided for power-sharing and the creation of the post of Prime Minister, was signed in February 2008; it was brokered by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Odinga was sworn in as Prime Minister, along with the power-sharing Cabinet, on April 17, 2008. Previously the post of Prime Minister had not existed since 1964, when it was briefly held by Jomo Kenyatta following independence; Odinga is thus the second person in Kenya's history to hold the position. Raila Odinga has progressively transcended beyond his original base support among his native Luo mainly occupying Kenya's Nyanza province, to wield considerable support in the Coast, Western, North Eastern, Rift Valley and Nairobi provinces. A Gallup/USA poll taken in September 2008 found him to have an 85 percent approval rate. Further to this, there have been recent calls from the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Martha Karua, for Raila to answer allegations regarding impropriety in the purchase and subsequent sale of land on the Kisumu Molasses Plant.

Baptised as an Anglican in his youth Odinga later became a Born-Again Christian through an Evangelical church in Nairobi. Odinga is married to Ida Odinga (born Ida Anyango Oyoo). They live in Karen, Nairobi and at Opoda Farm, Bondo County). They have four children—two sons and two daughters: Fidel (born 1973), Rosemary (1977), Raila Jr (1979) and Winnie (1990). Fidel is named after Fidel Castro and Winnie after Winnie Mandela. Winnie is currently an International Area Studies major at Drexel University of Philadelphia, PA. In a January 2008 BBC interview, Odinga asserted that he was the first cousin of U.S president Barack Obama through Obama's father. However, Barack Obama's paternal uncle denied any direct relation to Odinga, stating "Odinga's mother came from this area, so it is normal for us to talk about cousins. But he is not a blood relative." Obama's father came from the same Luo community as Odinga. He briefly played soccer for Luo Union (later known as Re-Union) as a midfielder.Raila Odinga is an industrialist with interests in liquefied gas cylinder manufacturing (the East African Spectre), industrial ethanol production and Petroleum import and distribution. He has been actively engaged in championing democracy in Kenya since the Moi era, during which he was detained several times. Mr. Odinga was appointed by African Union to mediate in Ivory Coast between Outarra and Gbagbo

Mt. KENYA POLITICIANS SECRET PLAN FOR KIBAKI SUCCESSION IN 2012

Source:http://www.kenyalist.com/
Uhuru Kenyatta's double-speak about his ambition to become Kenya's President after Kibaki is no surprise. Uhuru Kenyatta is the chosen heir in an elaborate plan by Mt. Kenya politicians to ensure that the Presidency stays with the community beyond 2022. A group of Mt. Kenya politicians have planned how Uhuru Kenyatta will take over the Presidency in 2012 whether Kibaki wins another term or not in December 2007.
Before PNU was formed, Kibaki had held a series of secret meetings with top leaders from Central Province to chart the way forward for the future of the Kikuyu Community after 2007. The meetings started as early as April this year when the Kibaki men realized that he had no credible party that could see him get re-elected. Purely Mt. Kenya outfits Narc-Kenya and DP were at the time pressuring him to adopt their ticket amid dissent from non-Kikuyu ministers.
Notably, while the politicians were of the impression that Kibaki should join either of the two Mt. Kenya parties, Kibaki's golfing baddies now entrenched in government, parastatals and in Mt. Kenya owned TransCentury share-trading and acquisition company were busy working on a formula that would see Kibaki re-elected at the same time ensuring that the presidency remains with the Kikuyu beyond 2012.
Handwritten minutes of meetings show that the planners - the athuri group are so secret that even members of the Ameru and Aembu are not included. The argument is that these communities will obviously support a Kikuyu come 2012 because they have no option. To this end, it was agreed that Kiraitu Murungi and David Mwiraria be returned to the cabinet to ensure "they are for ever grateful" and to win the loyalty of the Ameru. It came as no surprise that it was Lucy Kibaki who made hints of their return which was effected speedily. Minutes show the group nicknamed itself "athuri".
About the same time, the athuri secretive group comprising of Kibaki as chairman, Njenga Karume and John Michuki as alternate chairmen, Mary Wambui, Jimmy Kibaki, Judy Kibaki, Eddy Njoroge, George Muhoho, Stanley Murage, Nat Kangethe, Bishops Arthur Gitonga and George Gathii, and Cyrus Gituai (PS OP) were holding meetings with the retired president Moi's group of Nicholas Biwott, Ezekiel Bargetuny, Gideon Moi, Sila Yego and Uhuru to layout the post-Kibaki succession plan.
Ready to play ball as usual were Luhya leaders in the then GNU. A plot was hatched to have Ford-Kenya take the lead in the formation of PNU thereby hide the true intention of the Mt. Kenya boys. In one meeting it was agreed that Musikari Kombo was more pliable, weak and dumb enough to be used. That Kombo was weak on his Western Province turf after invasion by ODM was cited as reason enough for him to play errand boy without question. "Nyamu eno ahoyaga matigio. Reke tomuhe ihindi" (Roughly translated: this animal worships leftovers. Let's give him a bone to chew), Kibaki is said of Kombo in reference to empty departments given to Kombo's cronies after he threw a tantrum following a post-referendum new cabinet in 2005.
Not surprisingly, in a recent tour of Western Province, Kibaki told Kombo and company including Moody Awori that he will include him in his cabinet. It was strange given that the president found it necessary to make this promise when all parties under PNU should automatically be in Cabinet after elections. Was this an attempt to stem some disquiet regarding the president's mean trick of short-changing partners? Was this reassurance to Kombo and meant to appease Luhya voters who have lost faith and trust that Kibaki, an introverted tribalist, can never honour a promise? Problem is, there is no party Kombo can use to negotiate for positions in the post-elections cabinet. This is because Ford-Kenya has been swallowed by PNU and is fielding no candidates!
Earlier, in the athuri meeting, it was also argued that Kombo's never-ending ambition to be "given" the vice presidency was a great enticement to have him play blind ball. His desperation for money was also used fully. No less a person than his nemesis Soita s---anda of Malava has accused Kombo of being in PNU for the money. It is instructive that while all parties under PNU have their own candidates, only Ford-Kenya failed to field a single candidate of its own. The ECK register shows that all Former Ford-Kenya MPs in Bungoma, including Kombo are running on PNU. It means that Ford-Kenya is finally dead!
That's how the equally quick-to-please Noah Wekesa was recruited to lead a façade of forming PNU while the backroom Muthaiga boys worked on a parallel plan. It is notable that immediately Wekesa thought he had clinched it with PANU, the Mt. Kenya boys too k it over renamed it PNU and got busy swallowing all the other parties other than Kanu. Wekesa's cries of betrayal were to no avail. His boss Kombo, as usual was more interested in the cash handouts that comes with "horse trading" than protecting his sidekick or the interests of Ford-Kenya.
Back to the issue of the Kibaki succession, Uhuru finally agreed to join the Kibaki team but was given enough concessions as the heir-in-waiting:
First, Kanu would field independent candidates but who will be funded by PNU to ensure Kanu becomes strong since PNU would disintegrate by 2009 and a win or lose by Kibaki would have prepared Uhuru to inherit the Mt. Kenya vote.
When it came to other communities and other competitors, the athuri prevailed upon Kibaki to abandon the ambitions of Awori, Kombo, Kituyi, Saitoti, Martha Karua and Kirwa as inconsequential. This was after Kibaki was presented with secret research evidence from Mutahi Ngunyi, who has since moved to State House. Mutahi reported that other than Karua, the pretenders to the throne would all loose their seats in the 2007 elections. Chipped in Karume in reference to Karua "Mwari wa muthambia kioro afataire kuihura/kuithambia mbere...." (Roughly translated: The daughter of a toilet cleaner should wipe herself first! - a derogatory reference to Kirinyaga people whom mainstream Kikuyu refer to as toilet cleaners. The slur was acquired in colonial times when the Kirinyaga dominated the Nairobi City Council cleansing department). As for Saitoti, it was felt that he was an outsider who carried too much baggage from the Goldenberg scam. He was seen to be "disloyal" in his earlier announcement that he would vie against Kibaki in this year's elections. The Kiambu Muranga axis of the athuri felt that Saitoti
ambitions for 2012 did not augur well for Uhuru. It is with this hindsight the Saitoti is under siege from DP's Lee Kinyanjui and blames "someone" in PNU. And Saitoti is very uncomfortable at the moment with the Kibaki Group even going as far as claiming that PNU wants him to loose the Kajiado North seat. These fears are well founded as the athuri feel that Saitoti is an outsider in Central Province and therefore not the best bet for the Presidency even after Kibaki. Part of their minutes show the athuri discussed ways of dealing with the imminent fallout with other communities in 2012. The Luhya as a community are dismissed as peaceful and would be grateful for anything. Kombo despite promises was ruled out as a running mate. Moody's influence in Western Province was found lacking and Kombo, Kituyi and Wekesa were seen to have succumbed to the ODM wave in the Province. "Manegere Mathagu ma guku na nimakurota kuubuka", (Roughly translated: Give them some chicken wings and they will dream of flying), Michuki is quoted dismissing any worries about Luhya support for Kibaki. The meeting thus decided that "Gutuma atongoria abaluhya mecirie nimakugia ufata munene kuri thirikari Kibaki ashinda" (Roughly translated: to give the Luhya leaders the impression that they will be a major part of Kibaki's government if he wins). The emphasis was that these leaders should be made to work for Kibaki since their worth as vote-getters had diminished. This seems to be the "decoy" assurance Kibaki was promising on his recent tour.
When PNU was taken over, it was decided that Kibaki give other parties like Ford-Kenya and Ford-People, the illusion that they are part of PNU. Only Kombo took this bait and Ford-K is the only party that is headed to oblivion in the PNU. Secretly, Kikuyu parties like Safina, Narc-Kenya and DP were to be allowed to "revolt" and field candidates in their own names in the nominations. Kombo is being made to believe that he is a co-owner of PNU and therefore a future VP. However, in a telling game of juggling the liver ala Michuki, the athuri have argued that after elections, Ford-Kenya would be dead. The plot was to ensure Kombo got money to stand on PNU and let Ford-Kenya die. It is interesting that the ECK lists Kombo and his Bungoma cohorts as all standing on PNU! Hence, the Kibaki athuri hatched a plot to keep all the non-Kikuyu members of PNU hopeful. However, the confidential athuri minutes show that after the elections and in case Kibaki wins, he will form an alliance with Kalonzo Musyoka as VP because Kibaki will only have Kikuyu MPs. The athuri also argue that most other provinces are already lost to ODM and there will be no need to reward "aragoli" (Mt. Kenya name for the Luhya) after they reject Kibaki.
According to Mutahi Ngunyi's brief, to boost turnout, all Kibaki needs to do is ensure large turnouts in Central where the "unattached voter" will be helped to vote. This is reference to double registration occasioned by national IDS numbers being shared by several voters and those also of dead voters given to other people. It is quite alarming that most cases termed
"double registration" by the ECK are actually ID numbers of other voters outside Mt. Kenya and the dead ones now given Kikuyu names and allocated voters cards. The rigging ploy is that while the original holder of the legitimate ID number will be denied voting because of double registration, the imposter in Central Kenya will have voted. "Dukayihie mbogo ithitio. Nitutihitie andu aya maita meri matikugueterera gutihio kagatatu", warned Ngunyi, who is married to a Kalenjin, in his presentation. Loosely translated, it means "Never underrate a wounded Buffalo. We have wounded these chaps twice using them in 2002 against Moi and firing them after, for Moi's mistakes. They will not wait for a third wound". The athuri finally decided that the VP slot should be left vacant and dangled to all communities especially the Luhya and the Kalenjin to vote for Kibaki.