THE EARLY LIFE AND POLITICAL LIFE OF RAILA ODINGA

Source: Via Email

In January, 7 1945 Raila Odinga was born at Maseno CMS-Hospital, in Maseno. His father was latye Oginga and Mother late Mary Juma Odinga. He went to Kisumu Union Primary School, Maranda Primary and High School until 1962. He received a scholarship in 1965 and went to the Technical University, Magdeburg. In 1970, he graduated with a degree in Mechanical Engineering. During the Cold War, as a Kenyan, he would visit West Berlin through the Checkpoint Charlie and buy goods not available in East Berlin and bring them to his friends in East Berlin. He therefore became a Hawker. He returned to Kenya in 1970, and lectured at the University of Nairobi. In 1971 he established the Standard Processing Equipment Construction & Erection Ltd, currently known as East African Spectre, a company manufacturing liquid petroleum gas cylinders. In 1974, he was appointed group standards manager of the Kenya Bureau of Standards. In 1978 he was promoted to its Deputy Director, a post he held until his detention in 1982. Raila was placed under House arrest for seven months after being suspected of collaborating with the plotters of a failed coup attempt against President Daniel arap Moi in 1982. He was later charged with treason and detained without trial for six years. According to a biography released in July 2006 it confirmed that Raila was far more involved in the attempted coup than he had previously claimed. His mother died in 1984, but the prison warders told him about it only two months later. On February 6, 1988, and rearrested in September, 1988 for his involvement with human rights and pro-democracy activists pressing for multi-party democracy in Kenya, which was then a one – party state. Raila was released on June 12, 1989, but re-arrested again on July 5, 1990, together with Kenneth Matiba, and former Nairobi Mayor Charles Rubia. Raila was released on June 21, 1991, and in October, he fled the country to Norway for fear of government attempts to assassinate him. At the time of Raila's departure to Norway, the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD), a movement formed to agitate for the return of multi-party democracy to Kenya, was newly formed. In February 1992, Raila returned to join FORD, which was then led by his father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. He was elected Vice Chairman of the General Purposes Committee of the party. In the months running up to the 1992 General Election, FORD split into Ford Kenya, led by Raila's father Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Ford –Asili led by Kenneth Matiba. Raila became Ford-Kenya's Deputy Director of Elections. Raila won the Langata Constituency parliamentary seat, previously held by Philip Leakey of KANU. Raila’s father JOO died in January 1994, and Michael Wamalwa Kijana succeeded him as FORD-Kenya chairman, Raila challenged him for the party leadership. The elections were marred by controversy after which Raila resigned from FORD-Kenya to join the National Development Party (NDP). In the 1997 General Election, Raila finished third after President Moi, the incumbent, and Democratic Party candidate Mwai Kibaki. He retained his position as the Langata MP. After the election, Raila supported the Moi government, and led a merger between his party, NDP, and Moi's KANU party. He served in Moi's Cabinet as Energy Minister from June 2001 to 2002, during Moi's final term. In the subsequent KANU elections held later that year, he was elected the party's secretary general. In 2002, the then President, Daniel Arap Moi, pulled a surprise by endorsing Uhuru Kenyatta – a son of Kenya's first president Jomo Kenyatta to be his successor. Moi publicly asked Raila and others to support Uhuru as well. Raila and other KANU members, including Kalonzo Musyoka, George Saitoti and Joseph Kamotho, opposed this step arguing that the then 38 year old Uhuru, was politically inexperienced and lacking leadership qualities to lead government. The Rainbow Movement went on to join the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which later teamed up with Mwai Kibaki's National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK), a coalition of several other parties, to form the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) that eventually defeated Moi's protege, Uhuru Kenyatta.

President Kibaki did not appoint Raila Odinga Prime Minister on assuming office as perceived to have been agreed in the memorandum of understanding (Kenya's current constitution does not recognize a Prime minister); neither did he give LDP half the cabinet positions. He instead sought to shore up support for his NAK faction by appointing MPs from the opposition parties (KANU and FORD people) to the cabinet. The perceived "betrayal" led to an open rebellion and a split within the cabinet, which culminated in disagreements over a proposed new constitution for the country. The government-backed constitutional committee submitted a draft constitution that was perceived to consolidate powers of the presidency and weaken regional governments as had been provided for under an earlier draft before the 2002 Elections. Raila opposed this, and when the document was put to a referendum on November 21, 2005, the government lost by a 57% to 43% margin. Following this, President Kibaki sacked the entire cabinet on November 23, 2005. When it was formed two weeks later, Raila and the entire LDP group were left out. This led to the formation of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) - an Orange was the symbol for the "no" vote in the constitutional referendum. In January 2006, Raila Odinga was reported to have told police that he believed his life was in danger, having received assassination threats. On July 12, 2007, Odinga alleged that the government was withholding identity cards from voters in places supportive of the opposition and that the intended creation of 30 new constituencies was a means by which the government sought to ensure victory in the December 2007 parliamentary election. In August 2007, the Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya split in two, with Odinga becoming head of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) while the other faction, the ODM-K, was headed by Kalonzo Musyoka. On September 1, 2007, the ODM elected Odinga as its presidential candidate in a National Delegates Conference held at the Moi International Sports Centre in Nairobi. Odinga received 2,656 votes; the only other candidates receiving significant numbers of votes were Musalia Mudavadi with 391 and William Ruto with 368. Earlier, Najib Balala had withdrawn his candidature and endorsed Raila. The defeated candidates expressed their support for Odinga afterward, and Mudavadi was named as his running mate.Odinga launched his presidential campaign in Uhuru Park in Nairobi on October 6, 2007, which saw a record attendance in this or any other venue in independent Kenya. The police estimated an attendance of close to 50,000. Following the presidential election held on December 27, the Electoral Commission in controversial circumstances declared Kibaki the winner on December 30, 2007, placing him ahead of Odinga by about 232,000 votes. Odinga accused Kibaki of fraud, and violence broke out in the country as ODM supporters attempted to make the country ungovernable.[20] Following two months of unrest, a deal between Odinga and Kibaki, which provided for power-sharing and the creation of the post of Prime Minister, was signed in February 2008; it was brokered by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Odinga was sworn in as Prime Minister, along with the power-sharing Cabinet, on April 17, 2008. Previously the post of Prime Minister had not existed since 1964, when it was briefly held by Jomo Kenyatta following independence; Odinga is thus the second person in Kenya's history to hold the position. Raila Odinga has progressively transcended beyond his original base support among his native Luo mainly occupying Kenya's Nyanza province, to wield considerable support in the Coast, Western, North Eastern, Rift Valley and Nairobi provinces. A Gallup/USA poll taken in September 2008 found him to have an 85 percent approval rate. Further to this, there have been recent calls from the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Martha Karua, for Raila to answer allegations regarding impropriety in the purchase and subsequent sale of land on the Kisumu Molasses Plant.

Baptised as an Anglican in his youth Odinga later became a Born-Again Christian through an Evangelical church in Nairobi. Odinga is married to Ida Odinga (born Ida Anyango Oyoo). They live in Karen, Nairobi and at Opoda Farm, Bondo County). They have four children—two sons and two daughters: Fidel (born 1973), Rosemary (1977), Raila Jr (1979) and Winnie (1990). Fidel is named after Fidel Castro and Winnie after Winnie Mandela. Winnie is currently an International Area Studies major at Drexel University of Philadelphia, PA. In a January 2008 BBC interview, Odinga asserted that he was the first cousin of U.S president Barack Obama through Obama's father. However, Barack Obama's paternal uncle denied any direct relation to Odinga, stating "Odinga's mother came from this area, so it is normal for us to talk about cousins. But he is not a blood relative." Obama's father came from the same Luo community as Odinga. He briefly played soccer for Luo Union (later known as Re-Union) as a midfielder.Raila Odinga is an industrialist with interests in liquefied gas cylinder manufacturing (the East African Spectre), industrial ethanol production and Petroleum import and distribution. He has been actively engaged in championing democracy in Kenya since the Moi era, during which he was detained several times. Mr. Odinga was appointed by African Union to mediate in Ivory Coast between Outarra and Gbagbo

Mt. KENYA POLITICIANS SECRET PLAN FOR KIBAKI SUCCESSION IN 2012

Source:http://www.kenyalist.com/
Uhuru Kenyatta's double-speak about his ambition to become Kenya's President after Kibaki is no surprise. Uhuru Kenyatta is the chosen heir in an elaborate plan by Mt. Kenya politicians to ensure that the Presidency stays with the community beyond 2022. A group of Mt. Kenya politicians have planned how Uhuru Kenyatta will take over the Presidency in 2012 whether Kibaki wins another term or not in December 2007.
Before PNU was formed, Kibaki had held a series of secret meetings with top leaders from Central Province to chart the way forward for the future of the Kikuyu Community after 2007. The meetings started as early as April this year when the Kibaki men realized that he had no credible party that could see him get re-elected. Purely Mt. Kenya outfits Narc-Kenya and DP were at the time pressuring him to adopt their ticket amid dissent from non-Kikuyu ministers.
Notably, while the politicians were of the impression that Kibaki should join either of the two Mt. Kenya parties, Kibaki's golfing baddies now entrenched in government, parastatals and in Mt. Kenya owned TransCentury share-trading and acquisition company were busy working on a formula that would see Kibaki re-elected at the same time ensuring that the presidency remains with the Kikuyu beyond 2012.
Handwritten minutes of meetings show that the planners - the athuri group are so secret that even members of the Ameru and Aembu are not included. The argument is that these communities will obviously support a Kikuyu come 2012 because they have no option. To this end, it was agreed that Kiraitu Murungi and David Mwiraria be returned to the cabinet to ensure "they are for ever grateful" and to win the loyalty of the Ameru. It came as no surprise that it was Lucy Kibaki who made hints of their return which was effected speedily. Minutes show the group nicknamed itself "athuri".
About the same time, the athuri secretive group comprising of Kibaki as chairman, Njenga Karume and John Michuki as alternate chairmen, Mary Wambui, Jimmy Kibaki, Judy Kibaki, Eddy Njoroge, George Muhoho, Stanley Murage, Nat Kangethe, Bishops Arthur Gitonga and George Gathii, and Cyrus Gituai (PS OP) were holding meetings with the retired president Moi's group of Nicholas Biwott, Ezekiel Bargetuny, Gideon Moi, Sila Yego and Uhuru to layout the post-Kibaki succession plan.
Ready to play ball as usual were Luhya leaders in the then GNU. A plot was hatched to have Ford-Kenya take the lead in the formation of PNU thereby hide the true intention of the Mt. Kenya boys. In one meeting it was agreed that Musikari Kombo was more pliable, weak and dumb enough to be used. That Kombo was weak on his Western Province turf after invasion by ODM was cited as reason enough for him to play errand boy without question. "Nyamu eno ahoyaga matigio. Reke tomuhe ihindi" (Roughly translated: this animal worships leftovers. Let's give him a bone to chew), Kibaki is said of Kombo in reference to empty departments given to Kombo's cronies after he threw a tantrum following a post-referendum new cabinet in 2005.
Not surprisingly, in a recent tour of Western Province, Kibaki told Kombo and company including Moody Awori that he will include him in his cabinet. It was strange given that the president found it necessary to make this promise when all parties under PNU should automatically be in Cabinet after elections. Was this an attempt to stem some disquiet regarding the president's mean trick of short-changing partners? Was this reassurance to Kombo and meant to appease Luhya voters who have lost faith and trust that Kibaki, an introverted tribalist, can never honour a promise? Problem is, there is no party Kombo can use to negotiate for positions in the post-elections cabinet. This is because Ford-Kenya has been swallowed by PNU and is fielding no candidates!
Earlier, in the athuri meeting, it was also argued that Kombo's never-ending ambition to be "given" the vice presidency was a great enticement to have him play blind ball. His desperation for money was also used fully. No less a person than his nemesis Soita s---anda of Malava has accused Kombo of being in PNU for the money. It is instructive that while all parties under PNU have their own candidates, only Ford-Kenya failed to field a single candidate of its own. The ECK register shows that all Former Ford-Kenya MPs in Bungoma, including Kombo are running on PNU. It means that Ford-Kenya is finally dead!
That's how the equally quick-to-please Noah Wekesa was recruited to lead a façade of forming PNU while the backroom Muthaiga boys worked on a parallel plan. It is notable that immediately Wekesa thought he had clinched it with PANU, the Mt. Kenya boys too k it over renamed it PNU and got busy swallowing all the other parties other than Kanu. Wekesa's cries of betrayal were to no avail. His boss Kombo, as usual was more interested in the cash handouts that comes with "horse trading" than protecting his sidekick or the interests of Ford-Kenya.
Back to the issue of the Kibaki succession, Uhuru finally agreed to join the Kibaki team but was given enough concessions as the heir-in-waiting:
First, Kanu would field independent candidates but who will be funded by PNU to ensure Kanu becomes strong since PNU would disintegrate by 2009 and a win or lose by Kibaki would have prepared Uhuru to inherit the Mt. Kenya vote.
When it came to other communities and other competitors, the athuri prevailed upon Kibaki to abandon the ambitions of Awori, Kombo, Kituyi, Saitoti, Martha Karua and Kirwa as inconsequential. This was after Kibaki was presented with secret research evidence from Mutahi Ngunyi, who has since moved to State House. Mutahi reported that other than Karua, the pretenders to the throne would all loose their seats in the 2007 elections. Chipped in Karume in reference to Karua "Mwari wa muthambia kioro afataire kuihura/kuithambia mbere...." (Roughly translated: The daughter of a toilet cleaner should wipe herself first! - a derogatory reference to Kirinyaga people whom mainstream Kikuyu refer to as toilet cleaners. The slur was acquired in colonial times when the Kirinyaga dominated the Nairobi City Council cleansing department). As for Saitoti, it was felt that he was an outsider who carried too much baggage from the Goldenberg scam. He was seen to be "disloyal" in his earlier announcement that he would vie against Kibaki in this year's elections. The Kiambu Muranga axis of the athuri felt that Saitoti
ambitions for 2012 did not augur well for Uhuru. It is with this hindsight the Saitoti is under siege from DP's Lee Kinyanjui and blames "someone" in PNU. And Saitoti is very uncomfortable at the moment with the Kibaki Group even going as far as claiming that PNU wants him to loose the Kajiado North seat. These fears are well founded as the athuri feel that Saitoti is an outsider in Central Province and therefore not the best bet for the Presidency even after Kibaki. Part of their minutes show the athuri discussed ways of dealing with the imminent fallout with other communities in 2012. The Luhya as a community are dismissed as peaceful and would be grateful for anything. Kombo despite promises was ruled out as a running mate. Moody's influence in Western Province was found lacking and Kombo, Kituyi and Wekesa were seen to have succumbed to the ODM wave in the Province. "Manegere Mathagu ma guku na nimakurota kuubuka", (Roughly translated: Give them some chicken wings and they will dream of flying), Michuki is quoted dismissing any worries about Luhya support for Kibaki. The meeting thus decided that "Gutuma atongoria abaluhya mecirie nimakugia ufata munene kuri thirikari Kibaki ashinda" (Roughly translated: to give the Luhya leaders the impression that they will be a major part of Kibaki's government if he wins). The emphasis was that these leaders should be made to work for Kibaki since their worth as vote-getters had diminished. This seems to be the "decoy" assurance Kibaki was promising on his recent tour.
When PNU was taken over, it was decided that Kibaki give other parties like Ford-Kenya and Ford-People, the illusion that they are part of PNU. Only Kombo took this bait and Ford-K is the only party that is headed to oblivion in the PNU. Secretly, Kikuyu parties like Safina, Narc-Kenya and DP were to be allowed to "revolt" and field candidates in their own names in the nominations. Kombo is being made to believe that he is a co-owner of PNU and therefore a future VP. However, in a telling game of juggling the liver ala Michuki, the athuri have argued that after elections, Ford-Kenya would be dead. The plot was to ensure Kombo got money to stand on PNU and let Ford-Kenya die. It is interesting that the ECK lists Kombo and his Bungoma cohorts as all standing on PNU! Hence, the Kibaki athuri hatched a plot to keep all the non-Kikuyu members of PNU hopeful. However, the confidential athuri minutes show that after the elections and in case Kibaki wins, he will form an alliance with Kalonzo Musyoka as VP because Kibaki will only have Kikuyu MPs. The athuri also argue that most other provinces are already lost to ODM and there will be no need to reward "aragoli" (Mt. Kenya name for the Luhya) after they reject Kibaki.
According to Mutahi Ngunyi's brief, to boost turnout, all Kibaki needs to do is ensure large turnouts in Central where the "unattached voter" will be helped to vote. This is reference to double registration occasioned by national IDS numbers being shared by several voters and those also of dead voters given to other people. It is quite alarming that most cases termed
"double registration" by the ECK are actually ID numbers of other voters outside Mt. Kenya and the dead ones now given Kikuyu names and allocated voters cards. The rigging ploy is that while the original holder of the legitimate ID number will be denied voting because of double registration, the imposter in Central Kenya will have voted. "Dukayihie mbogo ithitio. Nitutihitie andu aya maita meri matikugueterera gutihio kagatatu", warned Ngunyi, who is married to a Kalenjin, in his presentation. Loosely translated, it means "Never underrate a wounded Buffalo. We have wounded these chaps twice using them in 2002 against Moi and firing them after, for Moi's mistakes. They will not wait for a third wound". The athuri finally decided that the VP slot should be left vacant and dangled to all communities especially the Luhya and the Kalenjin to vote for Kibaki.

JOMO KENYATTA AND OGINGA ODINGA CROSS FIRE

The first Presindent of Kenya the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta locked horns with his vice president the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga (JOO). The two principals were very eloquent and tough talking leaders. Their English were more polished and they had the power of oratory.

In their early reign the then vice president heaped praises on Jomo Kenyatta thanking him for emancipating the Kenyan people from the colonial Mzungu rule. When their Politics got saturated they turned there swords on each other often ruthlessly and with impunity. The two had crossfires publicly and their supporters responded with thundorous laughter. One day Kenyatta gave Odinga a stern warning and with veiled threat- cautioned him to abstain from interfearring with the affairs of his government. He told Odinga had it not been that he was his friend, he would have taken drastic action against him.  He ordered him to stop being a busy body. Oginga responded almost immediately and retorted to Kenyatta, saying Kenyatta was a failure and that his work was just sleep in the city. Oginga argued that he himself normally goes to meet the people in the villages and address their needs. He said Kenyatta was an idler and ought to be a responsible leader and visit the country side to meet and address the people needs.

The cross fire between the two was so drastic that it caused a serious rift between the Kikuyu community and the Luo community to this day. Oginga Odinga's strengths over his son Raila Odinga is that he was an eloquent citizen and courages. He speech was powerful and apt. Raila on the other hand is a poor orator and one can hardly understands what he tries to communicate. His speeches could better be communicated by his right hand men such as Anyang Nyongo or somene else.

So Odinga accused Kenyatta of not going to meet the people.

Out Kenyatta and in Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi - It would appear Arap Moi took seriously the statement by Oginga Odinga. So Moi shuttled from Coast to Western from Namanga to Kapenguria, from kisumu to Wajir to meet the people. It was his principle for all the  MPs and Ministers to follow him wherever he went. PS,s Managing Directors of State Corporations also followed the president. Every body who mattered in the government went to receive Moi at the Airport whenever he was arriving from overseas trips. Lots of resources were spent - and Many top government officials abandon their duties to attend to the President's open air meetings. Some people who disagreed with Moi's style of leadership wrote- "The President suffers from foot and mouth disease -i.e walking around too much and speaking a lot often issuing roadside direction on matters of National importance."

Kenya is a wonderful Nation with loyal Kenyans but with explosive leaders! Quaking about and driving themselves into self destructions.

Long Live Kenya! Long Live Kenyan People.

Shame on the headless hapless busy body leaders!

RAILA AMOLO ODINGA ALIAS ARAP MIBEI TO LOOSE OVER 3 MILLION OF KALENJIN VOTES

IT TAKES YEARS TO BUILT AND CEMENT A RELATIONSHIP. IT requires wisdom to nurture and sustain a relationship. Arap Mibei entered into a political relationship with the Kalenjins and made numerous promises to work together forever and Politically get rid of the Madoadoa (Read Kikuyus). Ara Mibei had hatched a lie and circulated a rumour to the effect that the Madoadoa chairman - read Kibaki, would reposses all the Kalenjin land and give it to the Kikuyus. This way, he potrayed himself to be a perceived saviour of the Kalenjins who would protect them as soon as he ascend to Power. Arap Mibei's statement was well timed and it sank well into the community's who agreed to support the would be "Moses". Arap Mibei was marely playing politics and he marely wanted a bandwagon to use to ascend to POWER!

Meanwhile, they team had gone round promising Kenyans 500,000 jobs and when the Man ascended to his position, it is reliably learnt that Arap Mibei went to Kibaki and told him that it was wise for the two to have zero Kalenjins in the government. Arap mibei stated that - Moi had ruled for 24 years and therefore the community had had enough of the jobs and therefore they should back their things and go home! so as to create 500,000 jobs to other Kenyans. This discussion was held just weeks after the duo agreed to share the government! It is said that Hon. Emilio rejected the idea in TOTO! and swore that he would never run a government of that sort! He disagreed with Raila's Proposal.

That's the true colours of "Arap Mibei"   

It is advisable for Arap Mibe not to waste his valuable time trying to seek votes from the Kalenjins as the community have discovered who he is.

THE KALENJIN ARE PROBABLY THE SECOND LARGEST TRIBE IN KENYA

The Kalenjins believe they are the second largest tribe in Kenya closely pursuing the Kiguyu tribe. Considering that the Abuluyha exceeded the Kalenjin population by a paltry 371, 338 or 7% of the Luyhya's total. The major reason for the arguement is that many Kalenjins were not counted that many villagers were skipped.

The recently released censures gives the country’s total population as 38, 610, 097 with the number of men and women standing at 19 million each.


The most populous tribe.

1. Kikuyu 6,622,576

2. Luhya 5,338,666

3. Kalenjin 4,967,328

4. Luo 4,044,440

5. Kamba 3,893,157

6. Kenyan Somali (nullified awaiting recount) 2,385,572*

7. Kisii 2,205,669

8. Mijikenda 1,960,574

9. Meru 1,658,108

10. Turkana (also to be recounted) 988,592*

11. Maasai 841,622

12. Teso 338,833

The least populous tribes are:

1. Embu 324,092

2. Taita 273,519

3. Kuria 560,401

4. Samburu 237,179

5. Tharaka 175,905

6. Mbeere 168,155

7. Borana 161,399

8. Suba 139,271

9. Swahili 110,614

10. Gabra 89,519

11. Orma 66,275

12. Rendille 60,437

The least populous tribes are encouraged to work hard to educate their childrent and to increase in numbers while the most populous are urged to slow in population growth for equitable distribution of resources.

THE KIPSIGIS ARE THE LARGEST SUB TRIBE OF THE KALENJIN, ACCOUNTING TO 43% OF THE ENTIRE POPULATION AND TOTALS 1.972 MILLION AS PER THE RECENT CENSURES RELEASE

http://www.wikipedia.com/ THE KIPSIGIS IS A MAJOR TRIBE OF KALENJIN AND ACCOUNTS TO 43% OF ALL THE KALENJIN SPEAKING TRIBLES AND TOTALS 2.0 MILLION.


The KANJIN Tribe is made up of; Kipsigis, Nandi, Keiyo, Marakwet, Tugen, Sabaot. Sengwer, Pokot, Sabiny(of Uganda), and the Tatonga of Tanzania.

The Tribe

The Kipsigis are a pastoralist ethnic group in Kenya, speaking the Kipsigis language. Currently the community practices farming and they are famously known for growing Kenyan "green gold" tea.

They are Kalenjin and originated in the Sudan, moving into the Kenyan area in the 18th century. The current settlement of the Kipsigis is in the Rift valley Province of Kenya.The latest Census population in kenya put the kipsigis at 1.972 Million speakers accounting for 43% of all kalenjin speaking people.

The Kipsigis are the most numerous of the Kalenjin and they occupy the higlands of Kericho stretching from Timboroa to Mara River in the south, the west of Mau Escarpment in the east to Kebeneti in the west. They also occupy, parts of Laikipia, Kitale, Nakuru, Narok, Transmara District, Eldoret and Nandi Hills. The Kipsigis are considered to be the most exposed of the sub-tribes, though job opportunities and prominence diminished under President Moi’s regime due to tribal jealousy and fear by Moi of the educated Kipsigis. Education standards fell and general development failed and the people were subjected to political manipulation. Self made Superich men who owned fleets of trucks, such as LORD Suge were brought to knought (0). KCC closed, Maize farmers not supported, Road infrastructure completely ignored, the best schools in the district brought to zero, by transfering the best teachers.. the list is endless.
It is not uncommon to find the Kipsigis living in abject poverty compared to the Tugen and Elgeiyo tribes, Moi's favourite subtribes of the Kalenjin. The Kipsigis were used as the electoral vote generators, but real development and enrichment went to Tugen and Keiyo, though they are less educated and live in arid lands. The Nandis faced the Kipsigis' plight to a lesser extent.
Most Kipsigis are known for humility, hardship endurance and their strong emotional expressions. They are also characterized as loyal and courageous people. The kipsigis are among the most hospitable and courteous ethnic groups of Kenya.
Ever since, the Kipsigis has produced a large number of Kalenjin artistes including Joel Arap Kimeto and the late Kipchamba Arap Tapotuk among others.
Men undergo circumcision at an average age of 14 years. Traditionally, boys are housed in a 'menjo' next to a forest, or away from homesteads and fed there as they await their genitals to heal. During this period, they undergo three main traditional ceremonies: Kelab-eun, Tyenjinet and Kayaet.After the first ritual, the boys are allowed to go out in the forest for hunting using bows and wood-made-arrows. It's at this point in time that they master the use these weapons-essential in traditional warfare.
Christianity has seen the three stages phased out and replaced with biblical teachings in a number of areas in Kipsigis land although the location of 'menjo' remains unchanged. Female circumcision used to be practised but is currently losing ground to Christian beliefs and government legislation.
The Kipsigis are a part of the Highland Nilotes group of People. Apart from the Kalenjin, the other tribe in this group is the Tatonga of Western Tanzania. In their expansion Southwards, the Kipsigis and the Tatonga people reached present day Shinyanga Area in Western Tanzania only for the former group to return to the Kericho area before some went back again going Southwards but could only settle at Angata Barigoi in Trans mara next to the Tanzanian Border
Although the Kipisigis are traditionally pastrolists, pressure on land and high population have forced them to live both as farmers and pastrolists. According to history they are also believed to be originally of cushitic lineage, language being a good example of how this might be conceivably be true.
Community Organization
The word kokwet, derived from kok, a man's sitting place, is used to signify the neighborhood or primary community of 20 to 40 interrelated homesteads. Adult brothers tend to establish homesteads in different areas and thus the dozens of exogamous clans (ortinwek) are dispersed and intermingled. On the other hand marriages tend to be between nearby families, and neighborhoods become small networks of direct and indirect affinal relationships with a few further connections of direct agnation or common clan membership.
Strictly speaking kokwet refers to the occasional gatherings of homestead heads and junior men to make group decisions, settle local disputes, reprimand wrong-doers, celebrate communal work harvests, etc. Kokwet meetings are held some distance from the personal space of any particular homestead yard. The meetings are open and attendance consists of those men who have, or take, an interest in the matter at hand. Whether the issue arises out of domestic problems or breaches of the norms of public conduct, individual interests are expressed in terms of kinship. Senior men, with manifold connections to their neighbors, represent themselves at most meetings and dominate discussion. Some of the younger men who attend do so because of their connections; others come along as friends of their age-mates. Younger men speak only when their opinions or knowledge of a case are solicited. Women and children may be called to kokwet meetings to give evidence but otherwise to not attend.
Streams and rivers hinder interaction and local networks tend to develop on particular hillsides or higher ground. Thus although the composition of the group is slightly different in each instance, the large majority of men present are always close neighbors. Hence communities are spatial entities although they are not ultimately defined by topographical features. Similarly, place names refer more often to a past event or a significant natural feature within a community than to a naturally demarcated area. The referents of Kipsigis place names are neither hierarchically arranged nor mutually exclusive. The term koret, used to refer to a coherent land area of a few communities, and emet, used to refer to a wider region or even the land controlled by a whole tribe, are likewise indefinite. In short, the key to understanding Kipsigis spatial concepts beyond the personal space of homesteads is the realization that they are defined in terms of nodes or focal points and lack true boundaries

THE NEXT GOVERNMENT SHALL BE FORMED BY YOUTHFUL LEADERS, SAYS HON. RUTO

By Apostle William K Korir,

Hon Ruto and several other MPs predicted that the country's leadership will change from the old guards to the youthful leaders after 2012. The leaders urged Christians to fast and pray for peaceful election come 2012, saying there should never be a repeat of what happened during the previous election.

Kenya has gone to another level and never again shall the leaders incite the people to turn against each other. The Kenyans have come of age and they will never be used again for destructive actions. All tribes in Kenya shall coexist and move freely throughout the country without fear. They have understood that they may difer in opinion but they remain united and respecting each other's opinion without engaging in warlike activities.

Elections comes every five years and once the leaders are chosen - they all go back to work to build this great Nation.

God Bless Kenya and its people in JESUS MIGHTY NAME AMEN!